Unveiling The Role of Britain in Palestine: A History of Opportunism, Colonialism and The Establishment of a Jewish State
The historical narrative of Palestine is deeply intertwined with the colonial actions of Britain, which played a pivotal role in shaping the region’s political landscape. The Sykes-Picot Agreement, a secret arrangement between Britain and France, laid the groundwork for the division of Ottoman territories, including Palestine. This agreement was followed by the Balfour Declaration, which expressed British support for the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. These actions were not merely diplomatic maneuvers; they were driven by Britain’s colonial ambitions and strategic interests in the Middle East [1].
The significance of this colonial role cannot be overstated, as it has led to profound consequences for the Palestinian people [2]. The British administration’s policies favored Jewish immigration and settlement [3], often disregarding the rights and aspirations of the indigenous Arab population. This created a volatile environment, marked by resistance and conflict, as Palestinians sought to assert their rights in the face of colonial oppression [4].
This article explores the multifaceted nature of Britain’s involvement in Palestine, examining key events such as the 1929 Uprising, the martyrdom of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam, and the general strikes of the 1930s. By analyzing these historical episodes, the research highlights the enduring impact of British colonialism on Palestinian society and the ongoing struggle for justice and recognition. Understanding this historical context is essential for addressing the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and fostering a more equitable future for all parties involved.
Analyzing the Sykes–Picot Agreement as a Prelude to the Balfour Declaration and Evidence of the Colonial Role of Britain in Palestine
The study of Palestine’s contemporary history reveals that various factors contributed to the occupation of this land and the events related to it. Among these factors was the presence and dominion of the British government in the region. The colonial role of Britain in Palestine is undeniable and notably significant. Britain’s colonial and hegemonic nature drove it to pursue its interests wherever opportunities arose, often disguised under various facades.
Through the Sykes–Picot Agreement, the lands under the Ottoman rule were divided between France and Britain [5]. As part of this division, the governance of Palestine was handed over to the British. The issuance of the Balfour Declaration, which granted Zionists permission to establish a Jewish homeland in Palestine, was a direct outcome of the authority Britain claimed for itself in the region [6].
The cession of Palestine to Zionists was not intended to fulfill the longstanding Jewish aspiration of returning to the Holy Land. Instead, the British aimed to secure their colonial interests [7] and attain the support of major international powers like the United States. Moreover, Britain sought to leverage Palestine’s strategic location to advance its military, political, and economic objectives. Their formal endorsement of the plan to establish an independent Jewish state in this land was aligned with these goals [8]. However, such decisions and the influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine ignited chaos and strife in the region, an unrest that persists even after Britain’s withdrawal from the region.
Britain’s colonialism was not limited to the Balfour Declaration; its colonial footprint can be seen in numerous other incidents. Yet the repercussions of this declaration have been so bitter and severe for Palestinian people that, even a century later, they remain entangled in its aftermath, considering it a root cause of the tragedies of recent decades. Palestinians refer to the Balfour Declaration as a “crime of the age” and have demanded an apology from Britain for its issuance [9]. In the wake of global awareness following the events of October 7, 2003, thousands of British citizens have formed a campaign supporting the Palestinian cause. By signing a petition, they have called on British officials to apologize to Palestinians for the Balfour Declaration and its catastrophic consequences.
The colonial role of Britain in Palestine is further evident in the way almost every episode of unrest and rebellion in the region can be traced directly or indirectly back to British involvement. Events such as the Al-Buraq uprising, the martyrdom of Izz al-Din al-Qassam, widespread strikes, the demolition of homes in Jaffa, and the formation of night squads are among the outcomes of the Balfour Declaration and the colonial role of Britain in Palestine. This article seeks to explore these events and uncover Britain’s involvement in each instance.
Britain’s Role After the Balfour Declaration
When examining the origins of the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, two groups emerge: first, Zionists, who ostensibly sought refuge under the pretext of anti-Semitism and aimed to live independently in the Holy Land as a state; second, the British, who facilitated this endeavor through the issuance of the Balfour Declaration. The immediate question is: Why did the British agree to create conditions for the establishment of such a state? Given the traits often attributed to the British, such as cunning and opportunism, it is nearly inconceivable that they acted out of altruism. The agreement between Zionists and the British was a mutually beneficial deal that helped both parties achieve their objectives [10].
When we speak of colonial role of Britain in Palestine, we refer to the actions it took to secure its own interests, often at the expense of destroying and oppressing Palestinians. The Supreme Leader of Iran has highlighted the reality behind the establishment of the Zionist regime and the colonial role of Britain in Palestine, stating:
According to historical evidence, the formation of the Zionist government was more of a colonial aspiration by the British government than a wish of Jewish people. Evidence shows that at that time, many Jews themselves believed there was no need for such a state and that it was not in their interest, and therefore, they avoided it. Hence, this was not a Jewish dream or idea; it was more of a colonial and British plan.
Chaim Azriel Weizmann, the first president of Israel and a key figure in the issuance of the Balfour Declaration, described the Zionist state as a low-cost and convenient outpost for the British; this statement further confirms Britain’s focus on advancing its colonial goals [11].
The discussion on the colonial role of Britain in Palestine is not rooted in hostility toward the British, but it is an intrinsic aspect of this colonial government’s nature, which even its Zionist partners openly acknowledged. Theodor Herzl, the father of modern political Zionism, in a letter to Cecil Rhodes, the British Colonial Secretary, explained why Zionists sought Britain’s help in establishing a Jewish state. He wrote: “You may wonder why we are writing to you and seeking your support. The answer is simple: we, like you, have a colonial plan, and we can cooperate with one another [12].”
Given the conflicts between Jews and other ethnicities, nations, and governments, and the tensions they faced with ruling authorities, this was the first time a European country had officially supported the Jewish demand for the establishment of a Jewish state. By issuing the Balfour Declaration, Britain effectively secured Jewish support and, through their powerful lobbying networks in the United States, leveraged American influence to its own advantage, ultimately securing victory in World War I [13].
Zionists, however, expected more than a declaration [14]; they anticipated that Britain would actively demonstrate its support by facilitating the establishment of a Jewish state. Yet events on the ground did not unfold as they had hoped. Zionists believed that the resistance and uprisings of Palestinians were the main reasons for the delay in implementing the provisions of the Balfour Declaration.
One of the clearest examples of the colonial role of Britain in Palestine lies in its differing treatment of Jews and Palestinian Arabs. During its mandate, Britain granted minimal rights to Arabs and opposed many of their demands. A notable example was Britain’s rejection of the Arab proposal to form a national government [15] where both Arabs and Jews would participate proportionally to their populations. Britain dismissed this demand, viewing it as incompatible with the Balfour Declaration and a hindrance to the establishment of a Jewish state.
Despite its outward appearance of neutrality, Britain covertly supported Jews, providing them with various forms of assistance.
Ultimately, Britain’s efforts to fulfill its promise of establishing a Jewish state culminated in the adoption of United Nations Resolution 181, commonly known as the “Partition Plan for Palestine.” This resolution divided Palestine into two states: one Arab and one Jewish [16]. Even in this situation, Britain sought to manipulate perceptions, abstaining from the vote to project an image of neutrality and win over Arab public opinion. However, such political maneuvering could not obscure the colonial role of Britain in Palestine. While abstaining from the vote, Britain simultaneously equipped Zionists to confront the Arab resistance movements.
After calculating that the costs of remaining in Palestine exceeded the benefits, Britain decided to withdraw from the region. On May 14, 1948, one year after the adoption of Resolution 181 and at the end of British rule over Palestine, the Executive Chairman of the World Zionist Organization officially declared the establishment of the Jewish state of Israel [17].
The Role of Britain in the 1929 Uprising, or the al-Buraq Uprising
Following the issuance of the colonial Balfour Declaration and the gradual arrival of Zionists in Palestine, inequalities began to emerge in a society where Palestinians remained the majority. Many of these inequalities bore the clear mark of British support for the newly arrived Jews. Palestinian Arabs, witnessing these injustices, could not remain silent or abandon their rights. Their protests occasionally escalated to uprisings, one notable example being the 1929 Uprising, also known as the al-Buraq Uprising.
Al-Buraq is a small area near the Western Wall of Jerusalem. According to Sunni narrations, it is believed to be the place where Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him and his family) began his ascension to the heavens on the celestial steed named al-Buraq. Hence, the wall gained this name. Jews, on the other hand, regard this wall as part of Solomon’s Temple and refer to it as the Wailing Wall, making it a sacred site for them as well. After their arrival in Palestine, Zionists sought to claim the Wailing Wall and the surrounding Al-Aqsa Mosque. Their activities in this regard began on August 14, 1929, which ignited widespread and violent clashes between Muslims and Jews, spreading to many Palestinian cities. The Palestinian resistance during these events became known as the 1929 Uprising, or the al-Buraq Uprising [18].
The roots of this uprising lie in the colonial role of Britain in Palestine. During its mandate, the British created conditions that led to significant hardships for Palestinians, laying the groundwork for the uprising [19]. Palestinian Arabs faced severe challenges, including famine, destruction, and economic crises. Simultaneously, British policies encouraged Jewish immigration through protective legislation, resulting in an increase in Zionist migrants. This led to the plundering of Arab property and land by Jewish settlers, rising unemployment and displacement among Arabs [20], and the Zionists’ seizure of key assets and positions of influence. The escalating tensions created an explosive atmosphere, ready to ignite at any moment. The spark came from Zionist provocations. To mark the anniversary of the destruction of Solomon’s Temple, Jews organized demonstrations in Tel Aviv and chanted inflammatory slogans demanding control over the Wailing Wall. These actions prompted Muslim Arabs to organize their own protests. On Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, they gathered at Al-Aqsa Mosque, where they as an expression of protest threw Jewish effigies from the Wailing Wall. These incidents triggered a series of violent clashes that began in Jerusalem and spread to other Palestinian cities, including Nablus, Hebron, Safed, Beisan, Jaffa, and Haifa [21].
The nature of the governing forces’ response to these events underscored the colonial role of Britain in Palestine; it was a type of colonialism exclusively directed against Palestinian Arabs. During the period of these events, the British employed various methods that demonstrated their allegiance to Zionist goals while intensifying the oppression of Palestinians. These methods included providing military and arms support to Zionists, opening fire on Arab civilians, conducting house searches among Palestinians, arresting hundreds of them, issuing life imprisonment and execution sentences, and passing laws to prosecute Arab participants in the clashes. All of this revealed that Britain’s policies were aimed solely at furthering Jewish objectives and deepening colonial domination over Palestinians.
This uprising made it clear to Palestinian people that Britain’s occasional and superficial gestures of support for Palestinians were mere pretenses, while their true allegiance lay with Zionists. Palestinians had neither the legal tools nor the weapons needed to defend themselves or fight back against Zionist aggression. Despite the bitterness, destruction, and loss it inflicted on Palestinians, the 1929 Uprising strengthened their resolve to form armed groups and acquire military equipment to resist [22].
Following the al-Buraq uprising and the intensification of land seizures by Jews, Haj Amin al-Husseini (the Mufti of Palestine) and his like-minded allies concluded that the primary supporter of Zionists was the British government. Consequently, they determined that the sharp edge of their resistance must be directed toward this principal enemy.
Britain’s Role in the Martyrdom of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam in 1935
Sheikh Izz ad-Din al-Qassam was the founder of the first armed jihad organization against the Zionist regime in Palestine. He is recognized as one of the greatest anti-colonial and anti-Zionist leaders in the world, emphasizing the significant issue of colonialism in his struggles.
A study of Sheikh al-Qassam’s life reveals that his spirit of resistance against colonialism and oppression existed from the very beginning. During his time in Syria, he stood up against Italy’s colonial actions and French domination, ultimately migrating to Palestine [23].
Al-Qassam’s primary struggle was against the British [24], as he was well aware of the colonial role of Britain in Palestine [25]. He constantly reminded his companions that British colonialism was the root cause of Palestinian people’s suffering. He urged them to recognize the British as their main enemy and unite in their opposition [26].
One of al-Qassam’s goals was to expel British forces from Palestine and halt the project of Judaizing the land. To achieve this, he began forming and organizing covert armed groups, combining military training with efforts to strengthen the spirit of resistance and jihad among his forces [27]. Al-Qassam and his followers worked to instill a sense of distrust toward the British and warned Palestinians against any form of collaboration with them.
It was impossible for al-Qassam’s deep-seated animosity toward the British to go unnoticed by colonial forces. However, it should be noted that al-Qassam did not believe in waging a hidden struggle against colonialism [28]; he openly declared his goals and the objectives of his fight.
Al-Qassam and his forces regarded Britain as the enemy of the Arabs and the entire Islamic community. Consequently, their primary objective was to expel these colonial forces from Palestine. They also believed that the Jewish migration to Palestine was a direct result of British colonial policies. Therefore, they believed that defeating Britain would naturally pave the way for defeating Zionists [29].
In a confrontation known as the “Battle of Ya’bad,” Sheikh Izz ad-Din al-Qassam was surrounded by British forces. Refusing to surrender, he chose an honorable martyrdom as the conclusion of his struggle. Al-Qassam was martyred, but the colonial forces were never able to erase his name or legacy. Even his funeral turned into an anti-colonial demonstration [30].
In the trials held after al-Qassam’s martyrdom, the court attendees explicitly referred to the colonial role of Britain in Palestine. They declared that their uprising was directed against the British, not Jews.
Britain’s Role in the Palestinian General Strikes, the Destruction of Homes in Jaffa, and the Formation of Special Night Squads
After the martyrdom of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam, the Palestinian struggle against British colonialism did not end, but rather evolved into new forms. The most immediate uprising was the general strike that began in April 1936, lasting for six months, and is referred to by some historians as the “April Uprising.”
As time passed, the colonial role of Britain in Palestine became increasingly clear to Palestinians, uniting them in their resistance. People were deeply frustrated with the British colonial policies, which consistently strengthened Zionists while weakening and isolating Palestinians. By granting permits for Jewish migration to Palestine and providing support for Zionists, the British sowed the seeds of discord and hatred, which erupted in violence, rebellion, and turmoil.
Zionists, who once appeared as innocent victims seeking permission to migrate to Palestine, had gained such power through British colonial policies that they were now harassing Palestinians, driving them away from their homes [31].
Palestinian Arabs, whose protests were ignored by British officials, turned to violent confrontations with Zionists and ultimately went on strike. This strike quickly spread and became one of the longest in history. During the strike, Palestinians refused to work and did not pay taxes to the colonial government. They sought to pressure the British government to stop Jewish immigration to Palestine. However, the British not only refused to halt the immigration, but also continued to facilitate the flow of Jewish immigrants into Palestine through the actions of Jewish agencies. The British rejection of Palestinian demands led people to escalate their protest into armed resistance. This struggle did not soften the British stance; instead, it provoked a brutal response, including widespread destruction of homes in Jaffa, rendering many Palestinians homeless. Despite this, the destruction did not diminish the fighting spirit of Palestinians, who continued their resistance with determination. Eventually, with the intervention of royal mediators and foreign military forces, the British managed to convince Palestinians to end their strike [32].
While the British opposed the militarization and arming of Palestinians, creating numerous obstacles, they took no action to curb the efforts of Zionists in strengthening their military and insurgent groups [33]. The reason for this dual policy was that the British saw Zionists as a useful ally in achieving their colonial goals. However, empowering Palestinians posed a threat to British interests, as they opposed British presence and colonization in Palestine.
One of the British colonial measures in Palestine was the formation and equipping of armed and anti-rebel groups, known as the “Special Night Squads.” These squads were composed of Jewish immigrants [34]. Zionists secretly exchanged weapons in the settlements and even helped establish arms factories with British support to further equip their forces. These groups, in collaboration with the British, suppressed Palestinian protests [35], resulting in the deaths, injuries, and imprisonment of thousands of Palestinian protesters. Before their withdrawal from Palestine, the British did everything in their power to strengthen Zionists and suppress Palestinians [36].
It is important to note that the colonial role of Britain in Palestine was not limited to the issues discussed in this article. There are many other examples of British colonial footprints in the history of Palestine.
Conclusion
The colonial role of Britain in Palestine has left an indelible mark on the region’s history, shaping the dynamics of conflict and resistance that persist to this day. Through policies that favored Zionist interests, Britain not only facilitated the establishment of a Jewish homeland but also exacerbated the suffering of the Palestinian people. The events analyzed in this article, from the Sykes-Picot Agreement to the various uprisings and strikes, illustrate the complexities of colonialism and its long-lasting effects.
As the Palestinian struggle for self-determination continues, it is crucial to acknowledge the historical injustices perpetrated under British colonial rule. The call for accountability and recognition of these past wrongs is not merely a matter of historical interest; it is essential for fostering reconciliation and peace in the region. Understanding the colonial legacy of Britain in Palestine is vital for addressing the ongoing challenges faced by Palestinians and for working towards a just resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Reference
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[2] Koutteineh, Farrah. “Balfour: 105 years of British collusion in the colonisation of Palestine.” The New Arab, 2022.
[3] Mayer. Tamar. Women and the Israeli Occupation: The Politics of Change. London and New York: Routledge. (1994): 3.
[4] Katz, Kimberly. A Young Palestinian’s Diary, 1941–1945: The Life of Sami ‘Amr. University of Texas Press. (2010): 18-19.
[5] Peoples Press Palestine Book Project. Our roots are still alive: the story of the Palestinian people. Institute for Independent Soci. (1981): 29-30.
[6] Mattar, Philip. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. Facts on File. (2005): 94; Peoples Press Palestine Book Project. Our roots are still alive: the story of the Palestinian people. Institute for Independent Soci. (1981): 29-30.
[7] Peoples Press Palestine Book Project. Our roots are still alive: the story of the Palestinian people. Institute for Independent Soci. (1981): 29-30.
[8] Mattar, Philip. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. Facts on File. (2005): 94; Imam Khamenei’s Speech on The History of Palestine and Its Occupation Address Mar 4, 2008.
[9] Mandhai, Shafik. “Palestinians demand UK apology for Balfour declaration.” Aljazeera, 2016.
[10] Peoples Press Palestine Book Project. Our roots are still alive: the story of the Palestinian people. Institute for Independent Soci. (1981): 29; Winder, Alex. “Balfour Declaration, 2 November 1917 (Promising Palestine Away).” Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question; Imam Khamenei’s Speech on The History of Palestine and Its Occupation Address Mar 4, 2008; Imam Khamenei’s Speech on Israel was established based on oppression, deception and massacre Address Nov 3, 2016.
[11] Hart, Alan. Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews. World Focus Publishing. (2005): vol. 1, p. 98.
[12] Winstanley, Asa. “How Europe sustains Israel.” Middle East Monitor, 2021.
[13] Zena, Al Tahhan. “More than a century on: The Balfour Declaration explained.” Aljazeera, 2018.
[14] Hart, Alan. Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews. World Focus Publishing. (2005): vol. 1, p. 138.
[15] Podmore, Will. British Foreign Policy since 1870. Xlibris, 2008.
[16] Rogachevsky, Neil and Zigler, Dov. Israel’s Declaration of Independence: The History and Political Theory of the Nation’s Founding Moment. Cambridge University Press, 2023.
[17] Ginat, Avital. “British Mandate for Palestin.” International Encyclopedia of the First World War, 2018.
[18] B. Qumsiyeh, Mazin. Popular Resistance in Palestine: A History of Hope and Empowerment. Pluto Press. (2011): 66-67.
[19] Khalidi, Rashid. The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine. Metropolitan Books. (2021): 35.
[20] Peoples Press Palestine Book Project. Our roots are still alive: the story of the Palestinian people. Institute for Independent Soci. (1981): 40.
[21] B. Qumsiyeh, Mazin. Popular Resistance in Palestine: A History of Hope and Empowerment. Pluto Press. (2011): 66-67.
[22] Ibid, pp. 67-68.
[23] Mattar, Philip. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. Facts on File. (2005): 408.
[24] Ibid.
[25] “Ezzedine Al-Qassam. The leader of the Mujahideen and the inspiration of the Palestinian resistance.” TRT Arabic, 2023.
[26] “Ezzedine Al-Qassam. A Syrian sheikh led the Palestinian revolution.” Aljazeera, 2023.
[27] Mattar, Philip. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians. Facts on File. (2005): 408.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Ibid.
[30] B. Qumsiyeh, Mazin. Popular Resistance in Palestine: A History of Hope and Empowerment. Pluto Press. (2011): 82-83.
[31] Ibid, pp. 77-79.
[32] Ibid, pp. 79-87.
[33] Ibid, p. 78.
[34] Kessler, Oren. Palestine 1936: The Great Revolt and the Roots of the Middle East Conflict. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. (2023): 162-163.
[35] Ibid.
[36] Kanafani, Ghassan. The 1936-39 Revolt in Palestine. (1972): 56-60.