Understanding the Hostility: The Islamic Revolution and Israel’s Strategies of Antagonism
The relationship between Iran and Israel can be divided into two distinct periods: before the Islamic Revolution and after the Islamic Revolution. These periods have been marked by political ups and downs. Iran severed all diplomatic and commercial ties with Israel after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and its government does not recognize the legitimacy of Israel as a state. The shift from a period of cold peace to overt hostility between the Islamic Revolution and Israel began in the early 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and Iraq’s defeat in the Gulf War. Both countries became more assertive in the region. The conflict escalated in the early 1990s, as Yitzhak Rabin’s government adopted a more aggressive posture toward Iran [1]. Other factors that have contributed to the escalation of bilateral tensions include:
- Iran’s nuclear program, which Israel views as a threat
- Iran’s support for resistant groups in the region, such as Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Hamas, and the Houthi movement
- Israel’s support for terrorist groups such as the People’s Mujahedin of Iran and Jundallah
- Covert Israeli operations in Iran, including multiple assassinations and bombings [2].
Iran-Israel Relations Before the Islamic Revolution
Despite initially opposing Israel’s existence, Iran informally acknowledged its presence in 1950. This unexpected move, welcomed by the isolated Israeli nation, was driven by mutual interests.
Following the 1956 Suez War, Israel openly encouraged relations with Iran. The Shah saw an opportunity to leverage Israel’s perceived influence in Washington, particularly with the Kennedy administration. He believed this connection could enhance Iran’s standing with the United States. This desire to strengthen its ties with the U.S. played a significant role in Iran’s decision to expand its relationship with Israel. By the mid-1960s, this relationship had progressed to the point where Iran allowed a permanent Israeli delegation to operate within the country, effectively functioning as a de facto embassy in Tehran.
Early Interactions and the 1947 UN Partition Plan
The first significant interaction between Iran and Israel occurred during the 1947 United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine. Iran opposed this plan, arguing that it would ignite conflict in the Middle East. Despite this initial opposition, Iran’s relationship with Israel evolved due to factors such as disagreements with Arab leaders like Gamal Abdel Nasser, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s desire for power, and economic considerations [3].
Geopolitical Interests and Cooperation
Though the Shah’s Iran never officially recognized Israel, the two countries still maintained a relationship based on geopolitical interests. Iran was the “jewel in the crown of the alliance of the periphery” until the 1979 Islamic revolution. Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion developed the periphery doctrine in the 1950s, based on the idea that Israel needed to establish close ties with the region’s non-Arab countries to protect itself from hostile Arab neighbors. Iran informally recognized Israel in 1950 despite earlier official opposition to its existence. Israel, isolated in the Middle East, accepted the Shah’s informal offer and welcomed relations with Iran more openly after the 1956 Suez war [4].
Military and Intelligence Cooperation
During the Shah’s reign, Iran and Israel secretly cooperated in military, economic, and intelligence matters due to shared geopolitical concerns, such as the fear of Nasserist Pan-Arabism and Soviet communism. Although the Shah was sensitive to Arab Anti-Israeli sentiments and became more openly critical of Israel after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, he continued Iran’s quiet cooperation with Israel based on their common interests. Israel likewise recognized the strategic advantage of forming alliances with non-Arab Middle Eastern countries like Iran to counter hostile Arab nations [5].
The Impact of Mohammad Mosaddegh’s Nationalization of Oil
Mohammad Mosaddegh’s nationalization of Iran’s oil industry in 1951, a move that broke British control, dramatically altered the relationship between the two countries. Mosaddegh severed ties with Israel, which he saw as serving Western interests in the region. However, motivated by a desire to restore British control over Iran’s oil industry, the 1953 coup, known as the 28 Mordad coup in Iran, removed Mosaddegh from power and paved the way for a resumption of relations between Iran and Israel. Israel established a de facto embassy in Tehran, and eventually they exchanged ambassadors in the 1970s. Trade ties grew, and soon Iran became a major oil provider for Israel, with the two establishing a pipeline aimed at sending Iranian oil to Israel and then Europe. Tehran and Tel Aviv also had extensive military and security cooperation; however, it was largely kept under wraps to avoid provoking the Arab nations in the region.
As Eirik Kvindesland, a historian at the University of Oxford, put it, “Israel needed Iran more than Iran needed Israel. It was always Israel that was the proactive party, but the Shah also wanted a way to improve its [Iran’s] relations with the US, and at the time Israel was seen as a good way to achieve that aim. There was also the prospect of building up the security apparatus, and the [Iranian security and intelligence service] SAVAK was trained by Mossad. These were things Iran could get from elsewhere, but Israel was keen to provide them because it needed a partner in the Middle East that was otherwise fairly anti-Zionist and anti-Israel” [6].
Islamic Revolution and Israel
Following the Islamic Revolution led by Imam Khomeini, Iran shifted its foreign policy to strongly support the Palestinian cause. This included a firm emphasis on the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland. Iran, unlike some Arab nations who offered only verbal support, actively backed the resistance movement against Israeli occupation. This support which was provided to groups across the region posed a significant challenge to Israel.
Imam Khomeini’s Ideology and the Revolution’s Impact
In the twentieth century, with the beginning of forgetting the role of religion in the social arena, a significant change took place in two geographical areas and theological thought, which revived the semi-hidden role of religion in human life. Imam Khomeini’s reformative movement in the twentieth century with the support of the Iranian awakening is considered the most significant religious revolution of its time. The most critical goal of Imam Khomeini’s movement was to bring humans to true bliss, and the only strategy to achieve it was establishing justice in a monotheistic society. To achieve this bliss and justice, first the roots of injustice in the world had to be destroyed, namely, the global arrogance that relied on its military and political power to create a new world order and expand its dominance in all dimensions [7].
Iran’s Break with Israel: The Post-Revolution Shift
The 1979 Islamic Revolution dramatically altered relations with Israel. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was ousted, and the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Imam Khomeini, pursued a policy of standing up to arrogant world powers [8]. Imam Khomeini challenged Western superpowers, and in particular the United States of America, by overthrowing the American backed monarchy and replacing it with the Islamic Republic. This was a new interpretation of Islam and politics. He fostered the organization of social masses, so they could act upon their beliefs to change the ruling political and economic structures. According to Imam Khomeini, the Shah’s relations with Israel and the US violated the principles of Islam and threatened Iran’s independence, values, and integrity [9].
“Tehran cut off all ties with Israel; citizens could no longer travel and flight routes were cancelled; the Israeli embassy in Tehran was transformed into the Palestinian embassy. Islamic Revolution and Israel changed their relations dramatically” [10].
Quds Day: A Symbol of Iran’s Opposition to Israel
Imam Khomeini declared every last Friday of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan as Quds Day, and ever since large rallies have been held on that day in support of Palestinians. He said, “Quds Day” is an international day, it is not a day that is only dedicated to Quds, it is a day marking the struggle and confrontation of oppressed people against arrogant powers and regimes. This day is now widely recognized, not only in the Muslim and Arab worlds but globally [11]. Iran supports a “resistance axis” network of political and armed groups in several countries across the region, including in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, who also support the Palestinian cause and view Israel as a major enemy.
Israel’s Strategy in the Region Post-Revolution
Israel considers no country as much of a threat as Iran. Israel consistently views Iran’s peaceful nuclear program as an existential threat. The nuclear issue and Iran’s extensive support for resistance movements have shaped Israel’s anti-Iran policy in recent years and guided many of its actions on the global stage. Israel has tried in creating an alignment with major countries like Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, bringing them into its anti-Iran coalition. This is the strategy that Israel has always pursued: showing Iran as a common enemy and uniting Arab countries and Israel against it.
Shifting Focus and Opposition to Iran’s Rising Influence
By 1987, both Iraq and its patron, the Soviet Union, were no longer seen as major threats, while Iran was much weakened by its war with Iraq. Israel shifted its strategy from one of engaging so-called peripheral states to the so-called Arab option, seeking to build on its 1979 peace agreement with Egypt. Israel saw opposition to Iran as promoting nascent Arab-Israeli cooperation. Thus, it chose to perpetuate Iran’s isolation and seek to undermine its position in the regional power equation [12].
Israel’s Peripheral Unity Strategy
One of Israel’s key foreign policy strategies has been peripheral unity, which involves expanding strategic relations with non-Arab Muslim countries in the Middle East. This strategy was designed to neutralize the threat of Pan-Arabism, which had been centered around the Palestinian issue and Arab unity. Israel successfully implemented this strategy for the first four decades of its existence, up until the collapse of the Soviet Union, and reaped its benefits.
Iran’s Counter Strategy to Israel’s Hostility
The Islamic Republic of Iran has consistently adopted a strategy of supporting the ‘Resistance Axis,’ a group of organizations including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and other groups that reject Israel and oppose any compromise. Iran has succeeded not only in creating a powerful group on Israel’s borders, as seen in Hezbollah’s surprising performance against Israel in the 2006 war, but also in fostering Hamas, which emerged as a rival to the Palestinian Authority in 1987. By providing comprehensive support to Hamas, Iran has offered a significant alternative to recognizing Israel and negotiating with the regime. Therefore, asymmetric warfare and the breaching of the security barrier can be seen as hallmarks of Iran’s initial strategy, while mutual deterrence and preserving the Resistance Axis characterize its second strategy toward the Zionist regime.
Opposition to American Hegemony in the Middle East
Israel and the Islamic Revolution have two different viewpoints and positions regarding the American hegemony in the Middle East. Iran opposes US hegemony in the Middle East while Israel has consistently pushed back against any efforts in Washington to bring American troops home from the region. Israel is a Western colonial outpost and Zionism is viewed as a version of imperialism.
Supporting Palestinian Resistance Movements
What exacerbated Israel’s hostility toward the Islamic Revolution was the founder of the Revolution’s perspective on Israel. Figure 1 illustrates the reasons for the hostility between the Islamic Revolution and Israel. Imam Khomeini never recognized Israel as a legitimate country and always called on all Islamic and Arab governments to unite and stand against its hegemony.
Figure 1. Islamic Revolution and Israel: Reasons for Hostility
After the Islamic Revolution, Iran pursued its regional policies with this approach and with the strategy of helping Palestinian forces to regain their land. The Protection of the Islamic Revolution of the Palestinian People Act was presented in 1990, committing Iran to support the Palestinian cause. The Act consists of eight articles and a note, approved by the favor vote of all representatives and confirmed by the Guardian Council on the same day [13]. According to this law, the Islamic Republic of Iran is obligated to support and defend the oppressed, displaced, and struggling people of Palestine in every possible way until they obtain their full rights. Furthermore, under this law, the Islamic Republic of Iran recognizes Bait al-Maqdis as the homeland and center of the Islamic government of Palestine, and calls on all Islamic countries to recognize this city as the center of the Islamic government.
Quds Day and Expanding Military Alliances
Another action taken by the Islamic Republic in support of Palestine was the declaration of Quds Day by Imam Khomeini. On this day, Muslims worldwide take to the streets to condemn Israel’s occupation of Palestine and its crimes against humanity. Imam Khomeini later said that Quds Day is the day of struggle of the oppressed against the oppressors. Before Quds Day came into being, Palestine was an Islamic-Arab issue, but after that the world got focused on Israeli war crimes, Israeli systematic killing of the Palestinian children came into limelight [14].
Enhancing Its Military Capabilities
Iran has also focused on enhancing its military capabilities to deter Israeli aggression. While the Islamic Republic of Iran does not seek war, one of its security objectives has always been to enhance deterrence through improving its military capabilities. Iran’s emphasis on missile capabilities and its efforts to expand them as well as its insistence on the recognition of these capabilities by other countries are a clear manifestation of its pursuit of enhanced deterrence, particularly against Israel. In addition, Iran has consistently sought to equip its regional ally, Hezbollah, with armaments as a strategic asset. Iran, meanwhile, expanded its influence in areas close to Israel, notably Syria, seizing the opening provided by the 2011 civil war.
Israel’s Countermeasures Against Iran
With the significant weakening of Iran’s enemies, such as Saddam Hussein and the Taliban, coupled with Iran’s expanding regional influence and its strong, supportive relationship with groups like Hezbollah and Hamas, as well as the 2006 Lebanon War, Iran came to be seen as one of Israel’s primary adversaries. Hezbollah’s logistical and tactical prowess in this war, which was considered a clear symbol of Iran’s presence and directives, took Israel by surprise. Moreover, Hamas demonstrated their loyalty to Iran during this conflict. While Arab countries had previously been considered Israel’s primary enemies due to war and their refusal to recognize Israel, Iran took their place after the 2006 War, becoming the foremost enemy of Israel in the region.
Iranophobia: The Logic of Zionist Leaders
Israel adopted a very aggressive posture on Iran. The view of Iran as an unredeemable terrorist state became an integral part of Israeli political rhetoric to the extent that any act of terrorism anywhere in the world was automatically blamed on Iran. Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin missed no opportunity to stress the “Iranian danger,” Iran’s “dark murderous regime,” and the “turbid Islamic wave” that it produced. Shimon Peres followed the same line and even made open threats directed at Iran, stressing that Israel could take action against Iran. Peres also urged Europe to “stop flirting” with Iran, declaring that Iran “is more dangerous than Hitler,” and that “Iran is the center of terrorism, fundamentalism, and subversion” [15].
Israel’s Use of Terrorist Groups
Over the years, Israel has backed a variety of groups who are violently opposed to the Iranian establishment. These have included a number of groups that are designated as terrorist organizations. Among them are the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK), a Europe-based organization, Sunni organizations in Iran’s southeastern Sistan and Baluchistan province, and Kurdish armed groups based in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Covert Operations and Assassinations
Iran’s nuclear program has been at the center of some of the largest attacks. While Israel is believed to possess a clandestine nuclear arsenal, it has publicly opposed Iran’s development of a nuclear weapon. Tehran maintains that its nuclear program is solely for civilian purposes. Many believe that Israel and the US were behind the Stuxnet malware attack, which severely damaged Iran’s nuclear facilities in the 2000s. Over the years, Iran has accused Israel of numerous sabotage attacks on its nuclear and military facilities, and it regularly says to have thwarted additional attacks. These attacks have also targeted personnel, including several high-profile nuclear scientists [16]. Very satisfied with the US withdrawal from the JCPOA and encouraged by the weakening of Iran by the crippling sanctions, the Israeli government intensified its covert war against Iran’s nuclear program. In late June 2020, a huge explosion rocked the Parchin Military Complex, where important defense industries and missile reserves are concentrated; it was followed a couple of weeks later with a fire and explosion at Natanz Nuclear Facility. In April 2021, Natanz was hit yet again by a stronger explosion that reportedly destroyed the plant’s centrifuge power supply system, causing months-long disruption to Iran’s ability to resume nuclear enrichment production at the site. And in June 2021, the factory of TESA, Iran’s main centrifuge company near the city of Karaj, was attacked by a drone that took off from nearby. Alongside the efforts to subvert Iran’s peaceful nuclear program, Israel intensified the air campaign against the Iranian military entrenchment in Syria and accelerated its covert security collaboration with some Arab states. The Abraham Accords, signed in 2020 with the UAE and Bahrain, were followed by normalization agreements with Sudan and Morocco in early 2021. Saudi Arabia is also deepening its covert ties with Israel [17].
Israel’s Ultimate Strategy: Military Intervention
Israel did not limit its strategy to merely sanctioning and isolating Iran and covert attacks on Iran’s nuclear facilities and scientists. Instead, it gradually worked to create the conditions for its ultimate goal: military intervention. The military option, which the U.S. repeatedly threatened to use against Iran if it pursued nuclear weapons, was the final step of Israel’s strategy. Going even further than the U.S.’s stated policy, Israel introduced the concept of a preemptive strike against Iran into its political discourse. As the US geared up to attack Iraq in 2003 over what turned out to be bogus claims that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction, some Israeli leaders favored a US military attack on Iran. Israel also engaged in fierce competition with Iran in former Soviet republics, especially Azerbaijan, and forged an alliance with Baku against Tehran. The US has been trying to mediate a similar deal between Saudi Arabia and Israel. Any prospect of normalization between Tel Aviv and Riyadh has been put on hold, at least for now, as Israel continues to bomb Gaza, having already caused a humanitarian catastrophe and killing more than 41,600 people, including nearly 16,500 children. However, for the current establishment in Iran, any rapprochement with Israel is out of the question [18].
Conclusion
The confrontation between the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Israel created a platform for hostile actions by this regime against Iran, as well as efforts by the Islamic Republic to counter these hostile actions. From the beginning of the Revolution’s victory until now, Israel has made many efforts to counter the Islamic Republic’s strategy of defending the people of Palestine and strengthening the Resistance Front. The Islamic Revolution and Israel consider each other their most important identity-based, ideological, and political enemies and have adopted methods to confront each other. Given that the hostility and enmity between the Islamic Revolution and Israel have taken on broader dimensions in recent years, this article, by reviewing different historical periods, explains the most important strategies of both countries and the reasons behind these strategies toward each other. As we have seen, Israel’s strategies have generally focused on trying to weaken and isolate the Islamic Revolution and have not neglected options such as assassination and direct attacks on Iran’s military and nuclear industries. Iran, on the other hand, has confronted this regime by assisting the Resistance Front in achieving its lost rights.
References
[1]. David Menashri, Trita Parsi, ISRAEL i. RELATIONS WITH IRAN, Encyclopædia Iranica, XIV/2, pp. 213-223, 2007 http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/israel-i-relations-with-iran (accessed on 05 April 2012).
[2]. David Menashri, Trita Parsi, ISRAEL i. RELATIONS WITH IRAN, Encyclopædia Iranica, XIV/2, pp. 213-223, 2007 http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/israel-i-relations-with-iran (accessed on 05 April 2012).
[3]. Vahideh Ahmadi, The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Zionist Regime: Strategic Confrontation and Mutual Strategies) in Persian), Journal Strategic Studies of Public Policy, Tehran, 2020, vol. 9, No. 33, pp. 1-3o.
[4]. Dalia Dassa Kaye, Alireza Nader, Parisa Roshan. Israel and Iran, RAND Corporation, 2011, p. 10.
[5]. Ibid
[6]. Maziar Motamedi, from allies to archenemies, how did they get here? Al Jazeera, 2023, Updated: 2024,
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/6/iran-and-israel-from-allies-to-archenemies-how-did-they-get-here
[7]. Muhammad Amin Naji, Mehdi Monfared, Ali Allah Badashti, A Comparative Study of the Social Function of Religion from the Latin American Revolutionary Church and the Social Theology of the Imam Khomeini Movement, Tehran, 2022, vol. 4, No.13, pp. 1-22.
[8]. Peter Kenyon, How Iran and Israel became archenemies, NPR, April 2024,
https://www.npr.org/2024/04/12/1244281886/iran-israel-relations-enemies-gaza-war
[9]. Imam Khomeini, Sahifeh-ye Imam, The Institute for Compilation and Publication of Imam Khomeini’s Works, Tehran, 2008, vol. 14, p. 66.
[10]. Motamedi, Maziar. “Iran and Israel: From Allies to Archenemies, How Did They Get Here?” Al Jazeera, 3 Oct. 2024.
[11]. Ashraf Zaidi, THE LEADERS, A Monthly News Analysis & Review, No.58, April 2021, pp. 1-42.
[12]. Shireen Hunter, What Drives Israel-Iran Hostility? How Might it be Resolved? Stimson Center, 2023,
https://www.stimson.org/2023/what-drives-israel-iran-hostility-how-might-it-be-resolved/
[13]. The Law of Support for the Islamic Revolution of the Palestinian People, Research Center, (in Persian), p. 373.
[14]. Ashraf Zaidi, THE LEADERS, A Monthly News Analysis & Review, 2021, No.58, pp. 1-42.
[15]. David Menashri, Trita Parsi, ISRAEL i. RELATIONS WITH IRAN, Encyclopædia Iranica, XIV/2, 2007, pp. 213-223, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/israel-i-relations-with-iran (accessed on 05 April 2012).
[16]. Maziar Motamadi, Iran and Israel: From allies to archenemies, how did they get here? Al Jazeera, 2023, Updated: 2024.
[17]. Marta Furlan, Israeli-Iranian relations: past friendship, current hostility, 2022, vol. 28, NO. 2, P. 178.
[18]. Shireen Hunter, What Drives Israel-Iran Hostility? How Might it be Resolved? Stimson Center, 2023,
https://www.stimson.org/2023/what-drives-israel-iran-hostility-how-might-it-be-resolved/
